Young boy naked spanking punishment.

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Jennifer E. Runyan, Ann T. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a global perspective on corporal punishment by examining differences between mothers' and fathers' use of corporal punishment with daughters and sons in nine countries.

Interviews were conducted with mothers, fathers, and children age range to 10 years in China, Colombia, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States. Seventeen percent of parents believed that the use of corporal punishment was necessary to rear the target.

Overall, boys were more frequently punished corporally than were girls, and mothers used corporal punishment more frequently than did fathers. There were ificant differences across countries, with reports of corporal punishment use lowest in Sweden and highest in Kenya. This work establishes that the use of corporal punishment is widespread, and efforts to prevent corporal punishment from escalating into physical abuse should be commensurately widespread.

The Convention pays particular attention to the rights of girls because of historical and cultural precedents that condone violence against women in particular contexts. Corporal punishment can be defined as the use of physical force intended to cause pain, but not injury, for the purpose of correcting or controlling 's behavior [ 3 ].

Although most parents who use corporal punishment do not physically abuse their children, many researchers, practitioners, and human rights organizations have called for an end to all forms of corporal punishment, in part because of the difficulty in differentiating between physical discipline and physical abuse [ 6 ]. Forms of discipline such as shaking children especially infants [ 7 ] and beating children with implements [ 8 ] are often classified as being physically abusive, but milder forms of discipline such as spanking or slapping also have been questioned because they can result in both physical injuries and negative psychosocial outcomes [ 9 ].

Nevertheless, bans of corporal punishment have been controversial. For many individuals, whether corporal punishment is ever justified is a moral issue. However, some researchers have argued that data regarding whether corporal punishment has negative effects on child outcomes do not warrant a ban on all forms of corporal punishment [ 1011 ]. Concern about the physical abuse of children is warranted by the prevalence and severity of the problem.

Children injured by abuse have more serious injuries, use more medical services, have longer hospital stays, and have poorer prognoses than children injured by accident do [ 12 ]. Clearly, preventing child abuse is an important public health goal. Research has been inconsistent regarding whether parents use corporal punishment differently with daughters versus sons.

Some studies report no differences in the corporal punishment of daughters versus sons, whereas other studies report that boys are more frequently corporally punished than girls [ 13 ]. Likewise, research has been inconsistent with respect to whether mothers and fathers differ in their use of corporal punishment. Although many studies of corporal punishment have been conducted, nearly all have examined ethnic majority members in Western industrialized countries.

By comparison, relatively little is known about patterns of corporal punishment use in distinct cultural and ethnic groups around the world. The social and legal contexts in which corporal punishment occurs vary considerably across countries. In this study, the contexts range from Sweden, in which the use of corporal punishment is illegal, to Kenya, in which the use of corporal punishment is widely accepted and used, as is the case in much of sub-Saharan Africa [ 17 ]. The samples were drawn from nine countries China, Colombia, Italy, Kenya, Jordan, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States that have been found in research to vary in the frequency with which parents report using physical discipline strategies [ 18 — 20 ].

The overarching research questions were as follows. First, across countries, what are the proportions of Young boy naked spanking punishment. who use mild corporal punishment, use severe corporal punishment, and believe that the use of corporal punishment is necessary to rear their child? Second, do parents differ in their use of corporal punishment and in their belief about Young boy naked spanking punishment.

necessity of using corporal punishment with daughters versus sons? Third, do mothers and fathers differ in the frequency with which they use corporal punishment? Fourth, is the gender composition of the parent-child dyad important, such that mother-son, mother-daughter, father-son, and father-daughter dy differ in the frequency with which corporal punishment is used?

As part of the larger Parenting Across Cultures Project, families provided data. Children from all families provided data, as mothers or mother figures age range 19 to 70 years M Eighty-two percent of the parents were married. Nonresidential parents were also asked to provide data. Although there are ethnic minorities and immigrant families to varying degrees, the samples in the other participating countries identified with the major cultural group of the country.

The sample size for each country is presented in Table 1 ; countries did not differ by child age or gender. Letters describing the study were sent home with children, and parents were asked to return a ed form if they were willing to be contacted about the study in some countries and contacted by phone to follow up on the letter in other countries. Families were then enrolled in the study until the target sample size was reached in each country.

Furthermore, children were sampled from schools serving Young boy naked spanking punishment., middle- and low-income families in the approximate proportion which these income groups represented in the Young boy naked spanking punishment.

population. These sampling procedures resulted in an economically diverse sample that ranged from low income to high income within each site.

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The study measures and procedures were approved by an ethics committee in each participating country, and participants were treated ethically in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Children ed statements of assent. In these statements, participants acknowledged that they understood that concerns about child abuse would be reported as required by law. Locally accepted practices and resources in each site were used in five cases in which interviewers became concerned that physical abuse was occurring. In addition, we had lists of available sources of help with parenting issues and other types of assistance in each site that could be conveyed to parents if the need arose.

The entire interview lasted 1. Mothers and fathers were given the option of participating orally or in writing; all children were interviewed orally. Rating scales were provided in the form of visual aids to help parents and children remember the response options as they answered questions. The amounts varied across countries so that the compensation was appropriately motivating without being coercive.

Using items developed by UNICEF [ 21 ] for their Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey, mothers and fathers were asked whether they or anyone in their household had used each of six forms of corporal punishment with the target child in the last month. The mild physical discipline indicator reflected the proportion of parents who indicated that they or someone in their household had used one or more of the following forms of corporal punishment with the child in the last month: spanking, hitting, or slapping with a bare hand; hitting or slapping on the hand, arm, or leg; shaking; or hitting Young boy naked spanking punishment.

an object. The severe physical discipline indicator reflected the proportion of parents who indicated that they or someone in their household had used one or both of the following forms of corporal punishment with the child in the last month: hitting or slapping the child on the face, head, or ears; beating the child repeatedly with an implement this final item was not asked in the United States.

Children were asked how frequently in the last year their mothers and their fathers disciplined them in each of those ways. The two sets of questions about corporal punishment used different timeframes because they were deed to elicit different kinds of information from the respondents. The dichotomous questions about whether any of the six forms of corporal punishment had been used in the last month were deed to assess recent behavior.

Seventeen percent of parents believed that it was necessary to use corporal punishment to rear the target. Table 1 shows the proportions of Young boy naked spanking punishment. within each country who had used mild corporal punishment and severe corporal punishment with girls and boys in the last month.

As shown, larger proportions of parents used mild corporal punishment with boys than girls in China and Kenya, and a larger proportion of parents used severe corporal punishment with boys than girls in Italy. The proportions of parents in Colombia, Jordan, the Philippines, Sweden, Thailand, and the United States who reported using corporal punishment with girls and boys in the last month did not ificantly differ.

As shown in Table 2larger proportions of both mothers and fathers in Young boy naked spanking punishment. believed that it was necessary to use corporal punishment with boys than with girls.

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Parents in the other countries did not differ ificantly in their beliefs about the necessity of using corporal punishment with boys versus girls. The next set of analyses focused on how frequently parents had used two types of physical discipline in the last year. Repeated-measures analyses of variance were conducted separately for each country to examine differences by child and parent gender in the frequency with which parents used corporal punishment in the last year.

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In these analyses, parent gender was the within-subjects factor and child gender was the between-subjects factor. Overall, the Young boy naked spanking punishment. shown in Tables 3 and 4 indicate fairly infrequent use of physical punishment i. As shown in Table 3in seven of the nine countries, mothers reported spanking, slapping, or hitting their target child ificantly more frequently than fathers did in the same families. Only in Sweden where any spanking, slapping, or hitting at all was reported by only 5 parents and in Thailand were there no ificant differences in the frequency with which mothers and fathers reported spanking, slapping, or hitting their target.

There was a main effect of child gender in China and Jordan; in both countries, sons were spanked, slapped, or hit more frequently than daughters. With respect to grabbing or shaking the child, mothers reported more frequently using this discipline strategy than fathers did in Colombia and Italy, whereas fathers reported more frequently using this discipline strategy than mothers did in Sweden. There was a main effect of child gender on frequency of grabbing or shaking in Jordan and the United States; in both countries, boys were grabbed and shaken more frequently than girls.

As shown in Table 4there was a ificant main effect of parent gender on spanking, slapping, or hitting in Italy, Jordan, and Kenya.

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Kenyan and Jordanian children reported that their mothers spanked, slapped, or hit them more frequently than their did fathers. With respect to grabbing or shaking, children in China and Sweden reported that their fathers grabbed or shook them more than their mothers did, whereas children in Kenya reported that their mothers grabbed or shook them more than their fathers did.

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In Sweden and the United States, boys reported that their parents had grabbed or shaken them more frequently in the last year than girls reported. of paired samples t -tests are shown in Table 5.

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Across the two forms of corporal punishment and all nine countries, eight of the differences reflected parents reporting using corporal punishment more frequently than their children reported that they did, whereas three of the differences reflected children reporting that their parents used corporal punishment more frequently than their parents reported that they did.

Finally, we conducted multivariate analyses of variance to test for differences across countries in the mean levels of each item reflecting reported use of and beliefs about the necessity of using corporal punishment. As shown in Table 6there were ificant country differences on Young boy naked spanking punishment.

14 variables of interest. Between these two anchor points, the other countries differed from one another on many of the variables, with the specific patterns of ificant differences depending on the construct and the reporter. Journal overview. Special Issues. Dodge, 1 Paul Oburu, 9 Concetta Pastorelli 5 et al. Desmond K. Runyan, 10 Ann T. Academic Editor: Ivan Barry Pless. Received 25 Jan Revised 14 Apr Accepted 13 Jul Published 23 Sep Abstract Background.

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Materials and Methods 2. Values reflect the percentages of families in which either the mother or father reports that either the mother or father or anyone in the household has used mild corporal punishment and severe corporal punishment in the last month and chi-square tests of differences by child gender. Mild corporal punishment included spanking, hitting, or slapping with a bare hand; hitting or slapping on the hand, arm, or leg; shaking; or hitting with an object.

Young boy naked spanking punishment.

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